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[–] [S] 2 points 3 weeks ago (1 child)

Last month, thousands marched in protest at a proposed “licence to kill” law seeking to establish a legal “presumption of self-defence” for police officers and gendarmes using firearms in the line of duty.

The law, opposed by civil rights groups, leftwing politicians, the magistrates’ union and the UN, would in effect shift the burden of proof on to victims and their families to demonstrate that a police shooting was disproportionate.

In essence, critics argue, it would institutionalise police impunity; reinforcing, once more, a security culture that treats public dissent and social tension not as democratic realities to be managed, but as insurrections to be repressed. The battle for France’s streets is far from over.

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/oct/20/france-culture-violent-policing-protests-riots

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  • [–] [S] 1 point 3 weeks ago

    Unlike in Germany or the Netherlands, French unions, while they may strike often, are not formal government negotiating partners. The top-heavy, presidential structure of the Fifth Republic marginalises institutional consultation.

    That means a heavily centralised state often passes laws with little popular agreement, making the “power of the street” one of citizens’ few viable means of forcing concessions. Protest here is regarded as a civic duty and a legitimate democratic tool.

    That creates a vicious circle. French authorities see large crowds as an existential threat, so send in the police. Their military-style tactics entrench the aggression and alienate peaceful demonstrators. This prompts the more radical groups to opt for more violent tactics. But rather than isolating those elements, police respond with baton charges and munitions. And that turns protests into battles.

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